COMMUNISM WITH THE MASK OFF By DR. JOSEPH GOEBBELS
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GOEBBELS
ON SEPTEMBER 13th
1935
AT THE SEVENTH
NATIONAL-
SOCIALIST PARTY
CONGRESS
"There is no longer
any political question at issue here. This thing cannot be judged or estimated
by political rules or principles. It is Iniquity under a political mask. It is
not something to be brought before the bar of world history but rather
something that has to be dealt with by the judicial administration of each
country."
Dr.
Goebbels
P.O.
Box 21, Reedy, W.Va. 25270 USA
By
DR.JOSEPH GOEBBELS
SPEECH DELIVERED IN NÜRNBERG ON
SEPTEMBER 13th 1935
AT THE SEVENTH NATIONAL-SOCIALIST PARTY CONGRESS
İn the beginning of
August, this year, one of the most authoritative English newspapers
published a leading article entitled "Two Dictatorships", in which a
naive and misdirected attempt was made to place before the readers of the paper
certain alleged similarities between Russian Bolshevism and German National
Socialism. This article gave rise to an extraordinary amount of heated
discussion in international centres, which was only another proof of the fact
that an astonishing misconception exists among the most prominent West European
circles as to the danger which communism presents to the life of the individual
and of the nation. Such people still cling to their opinion in face of the
terrible and devastating experiences of the past eighteen years in Russia.
The author of the article
stated that the two symbols which are to-day opposed to one another, namely
that of Bolshevism and National Socialism, stand for regimes which "in
essential structure are similar and in many of their laws—their buttresses—are
identical. The similarity is moreover increasing". He went on to say:
"In both countries
are the same censorships on art, literature, and of course the Press, the same
war on the intelligentsia, the attack on religion, and the massed display of
arms, whether in the Red Square or the Tempelhofer Feld. "
"The strange and
terrible thing is", he declared, "that two nations, once so widely
different, should have been schooled and driven into patterns so drably
similar. "
One sees here much
verbiage and little understanding. The anonymous writer of this article has
obviously not studied the essential and fundamental principles either of
National Socialism or Bolshevism. He considers merely certain superficial
phenomena and he has not taken cognisance of what serious journalists have had
to say on the matter in question or compared his views with their objective
statements. This entirely erroneous judgment of the case might be passed over
with a shrug of the shoulders and considered merely as part of the daily order
of things, were it not for the fact that the two problems here discussed
belong in their essentials to political phenomena which are all important for
the future of Europe. Moreover this strikingly cursory judgment on the problem
is not merely a single case but has to be taken in conjunction with a much
wider and more influential section of West European opinion.
In contradistinction to
this, I shall try here to analyse Bolshevism into its basic elements and show
these as clearly as I can to the German and European public. This is not an
easy task, in view of the fact that the Propagandist Institutions of the
Communist International are undoubtedly well organised and have not been
unsuccessful in putting before the public of the world, outside of the Russian
frontiers, an entirely false picture of Bolshevism. This picture is an
extraordinarily dangerous one because of the tension which it can and must
naturally cause. Let us also note the profound hatred in liberal circles
throughout the world in regard to National Socialism and its practical
constructive work in Germany. Hence the possibility here also of mistaken
judgments, such as these already mentioned. They pass by what is essential.
International communism would entirely do away with all national and racial
qualities which are founded in human nature itself; in property it sees the
most primary cause of the break-down of world trade in the capitalist system.
Accordingly it exploits this
through an extensive and
carefully organised and brutal system of action, setting aside personal values
and sacrificing the individual to a hollow mass-idol that is only a travesty
of actual life itself. At the same time it ignores and destroys all the
idealistic and higher strivings of men and nations, through its own crass and
empty materialist principles. On the other hand, National Socialism sees in all
these things—in property, in personal values and in nation and race and the
principles of idealism—these forces which carry on every human civilisation and
fundamentally determine its worth.
Bolshevism is explicitly
determined on bringing about a revolution among all the nations. In its own
essence it has an aggressive and international tendency. But National Socialism
confines itself to Germany and is not a product for export, either in its
abstract or practical characteristics. Bolshevism denies religion as a
principle, fundamentally and entirely. It recognises religion only as an
"opium for the people". For the help and support of religious belief;
however, National Socialism absolutely places in the foreground of its
programme a belief in God and that transcendental idealism which has been
destined by Nature to bring to expression the racial soul of a nation. National
Socialism would give the lead in a new concept and shaping of European
civilisation. But the Bolshevics carry on a campaign, directed by the Jews,
with the international underworld, against culture as such. Bolshevism is not
merely antibourgeois; it is against human civilisation itself.
In its final consequences
it signifies the destruction of all the commercial, social, political and
cultural achievements of Western Europe, in favour of a deracinated and nomadic
international cabal which has found its representation in Judaism. This
grandiose attempt to overthrow the civilised world is so much more dangerous in
its effects because the Communist International, which is a past master in the
art of misrepresentation,
has been able to find its
protectors and pioneers among a great part of these intellectual circles in
Europe whose physical and spiritual destruction must be the first result of a
Bolshevic world revolution.
Bolshevism, which is in
reality an attack on the world of the spirit, pretends to be intellectual
itself. Where circumstances demand, it comes as a wolf in sheep's clothing. But
underneath the false mask which it here and there assumes there are always the
satanic forces of world destruction. And where it has had the opportunity of
practising its theories it has created "The Paradise of the Workers and
Peasants", in the shape of a fearful desert of starving and hungering
people. If we are to take the word of its doctrine then we find a terrible
contradiction between its theory and its practice. Its theory is glowing and
grandiose but it carries poison in its attractive gloss. Over against this,
what we have from it in reality is terrible and forbidding. This is shown in
the millions of sacrifices which have been made in honour of it, through
executions with the sword, the axe or the hangman's rope or hunger. Its
teaching promises "the fatherland of the workers and peasants", which
shall know no frontiers, and a classless social order which will be protected
against exploitation through the state, and it preaches an economic principle
in which "everything belongs to everybody" and that thereby a real
and universal world peace will be ushered in.
Millions of workers on
hunger-wages such as are not thought of in western Europe, millions of
afflicted and sorrowing peasants who have been robbed of their land, which is
being completely ruined by the stupid experiment of a paralysing collectivism,
famine which claims millions of victims year after year in a country of such
vast extent that it might serve as a granary for the whole of Europe, the
formation and equipping of an army which, according to the claims of all
leading Bolshevists, is to
be used for carrying out
the world revolution, the brutal and merciless domination of this madly-led
apparatus of State and Party at the hands of a small terrorist minority which
is mostly Jewish—all this speaks another language, a language which the world
cannot listen to permanently because it rings with the story of nameless
suffering and indescribable hardships borne by a nation of a hundred-and-sixty million
people.
The fact that, in order to
carry out its aims, Bolshevism uses propagandist methods which are perceptible
only by those which have experience in such things and are entirely accepted in
good faith by the average citizen makes this Terror International
extraordinarily dangerous for other states and peoples. This propaganda starts
out from the principle that the end sanctifies the means, that lies and
slander, the terrorising of the individual and of the mass, robbery and
burnings and strikes and insurrection, espionage and sabotage of armies can
and ought to be made use of, and therewith that the aim of revolutionising the
whole world must be specially and solely kept in view. This extraordinarily
pernicious method of influencing the masses of the people does not stop before
anything or anybody. Those alone are competent to deal with it who see into its
secret driving forces and are capable of adopting the necessary contrary measures.
This propaganda understands how to adopt every instrument to its purpose. It
takes on an intellectual shape in intellectual circles. It is bourgeois with
the bourgeoisie and proletarian with the proletariat. It is mild and passive
where that attitude suits and it is pugnacious wherever it meets opposition
that needs to be suppressed.
Bolshevism carries on its
International propaganda through the Komintern.
A few weeks ago this
apparatus for world destruction made public to the whole of Europe its plan of
campaign for the anni-
hilation of the nations
and the states, all arranged and set forth in its tactical and strategic
elements. Yet the bourgeois world, whose extirpation was announced openly and
without any reserve whatsoever, failed to make any public protest of indignation
and unite all the forces at its command as a definite counter-defence.
The cry of warning was raised only by
those states in which Bolshevism has been finally overcome through the
restoration of national principles. But this cry of warning was laughed at by
the threatened bourgeois world and set aside as an exaggerated alarm.
Swept clear of internal enemies and
united under the National Socialist standard, Germany placed herself at the
head of the groups marshalled in the fight against the international bol-
shevisation of the world. Herein she is quite aware that she is fulfilling a
world mission which reaches out beyond all national frontiers. On the
successful issue of this mission depends the fate of our civilised nations. As
National Socialists, we have seen Bolshevism through and through. We recognise
it beneath all its masks and camouflages. It stands before us derobed of its
trappings, bare and naked in its whole miserable imposture. We know what its
teachings are, but we know also what it is in practice.
Here I shall give an unvarnished
picture, which is backed up in all particulars by incontestable facts. If there
is a spark of reason left in the world, and the faculty for clear thinking,
then the states and peoples must be shocked at the prospect and induced to come
together for their common defence against this acute danger.
I leave the methods and practices of
the Communist Propaganda and theory within and without Russia to speak through
examples which appear to me to be symptomatic. These examples
could be replaced and supplemented
by thousands of others, all of which when taken together show up the terrible
aspect of this world disease.
Murder of individuals,
murder of hostages and mass murder are the favourite means applied by
Bolshevism to get rid of all opposition to its propaganda.
In Germany three hundred
National Socialists fell victims to the Communist terror practised on
individuals. On the 14th January 1930, Horst Wessel was shot through the
half-opened door of his house by the Communist, Albrecht Höhler—called Ali—his
accessories being the Jews, Salli Eppstein and Else Cohn. On the 9th of August
1931, the police captains, Anlauf and Lenck, were shot down on the Bülowplatz in
Berlin. The Communist leaders, Heinz Neumann and Kippenberger, were accused as
instigators of the murder. Shortly afterwards Heinz Neumann was arrested in
Switzerland because ofapassportwhich was invalid and a request for extradition
made by Germany was not granted, on the plea that it was a "political
crime". These are only some single examples of the communist terror
wreaked on individuals. As further instances of the blood lust and cruelty to
which they bear evidence we may turn to the hostage murders which took place in
previous years.
On April 30th 1919, in the
Courtyard of the Luitpold Gymnasium, in Munich, ten hostages, among them one
woman, were shot through the backs, their bodies rendered unrecognisable and
taken away. This act was done at the order of the Communist Terrorist,
Eglhofer, and under the responsibility of the Jewish Soviet Commissaries,
Levien, Leviné-Nissen and Axelrod. In 1919, during the Bolshevic regime of the
Jew, Bela Kun, whose real name was Aron Cohn, in Budapest twenty hostages were
murdered. During the October Revolution in Spain eight prisoners were shot at Ovièdo,
seventeen in Turon;
and in the barracks at
Pelàno, to protect a communist attack, thirty-eight prisoners were placed at
the head of the insurgents and some of them shot. At the Komintern Congress, on
July 31st, 1935, the communist leader, Carcio, expressly declared that this
revolution was carried through "under the leadership of the
communists".
This list of bloodshed becomes all
the more fearful and horrible when we add to it the apparently incredible
number of mass murders carried out by the Communists. As a classical prototype
of this, we have the Paris Commune of the year 1871, which was passionately
celebrated by Karl Marx and is approved today by modern Soviets as the model of
the Bolshevic World Revolution. The number of victims who fell in that terrible
year 1871 can no longer be ascertained. The Jewish Tschekist, Bela Kun, made an
experiment which rivalled the Paris Commune in bloodshed when he ordered the
execution of 60,000 to 70,000 people in the Crimea. For the most part, these
executions were carried out with machine-guns. At the Municipal Hospital in
Alupka, 272 sick and wounded were brought out on stretchers in front of the
gate of the Institution and there shot. The truth of this has been officially
confirmed in the report made to the Geneva Red Cross. During the 133 days of
his Terror Rule in Hungary the Jew, Bela Kun, had innumerable men murdered. The
names of 570 of those have been given in official documents. In November 1934,
the Chinese Marshal, Tschiangkaischek, made public the information that in the
province of Kiangsi one million people were murdered by the communists and six
millions robbed of all their possessions. All these blood-stained and
horror-raising events have reached a climax in the mass murders committed
throughout Soviet Russia.
According to returns given by the
Soviets themselves and taking reliable sources into account, the number of
persons executed within the first 5 years of Soviet rule must be placed
at about 1,860,000, in
round numbers. Of these, 6,000 were teachers and professors, 8,800 were doctors
of medicine, 54,000 were army officers, 260,000 soldiers, 105,000 police
officials, 49,000 gendarmes, 12,800 civil servants, 355,000 persons of the
upper classes, 192,000 workers, 815,000 peasants.
The Soviet statistician,
Oganowsky, estimates the number of persons who died of hunger in the years
1921/1922 at 5,200,000. The Austrian Cardinal-Archbishop, Monsignor Innitzer,
said in his appeal of July 1934, that millions of people were dying of hunger
throughout the Soviet Union. During his speech delivered before the House of
Lords on the 25th July, 1934, the Archbishop of Canterbury, speaking of reports
relative to the famine victims in Soviet Russia in 1933, said that the number
was nearer to six than to three millions.
We have thus before our
eyes a full picture of this fearful and harrowing mass terrorisation which is
only approximately paralleled by even the most blood-curdling examples of war
or revolution that are recorded in the history of the world. This is the actual
system of bloodshed and terror and death which is carried out by hysterical and
criminal political maniacs who would have it copied in every country and among
every people with the same terrorising practises, in so far as they might find
the possibility of doing so.
In view of all this, it
would be idle to bring forward proofs of the spirit of discipline and generous
consideration which the National Socialists showed in carrying through their
revolutionary aims.
Such is "the strange
and terrible " resemblance between the methods followed by the two regimes
which the writer of the article in the English newspaper alleges to be similar
in "essential structure". But the facts to which I have referred do
not fill
out the picture.
Revolutions cost money. Propaganda campaigns throughout the world must be
financed. Bolshevism procures the means of doing so after its own fashion.
In the summer of 1907 Stalin led the
notorious bomb attack atTiflis on a money transport from the State Bank. Thirty
persons fell victims to the attack. The 250,000 roubles which were robbed from
the transport, were sent to Lenin, who was then in Switzerland. They were to
be at his disposal for revolutionary purposes. On the 17th January 1908 the
Jew, Wallack-Meer, who now goes by the name of Litwinow and has been Chairman
of the Council of the League of Nations, was arrested in Paris in connection
with the bombing and robbing of the transport at Tiflis.
The Communist Party in Germany
organised and led the plunder expeditions there and also the robbery of
explosives from official depots. The list of such cases brought before the
Courts of the Reich is very long. In this list are thirty crimes described as
major and extreme cases. To them must be added the burnings and bombings organised
and perpetrated without any consideration whatsoever for the lives of innocent
persons.
On the 16th April 1925, there was an
explosion in the Cathedral of Sophia, which had been organised and carried out
by the Bolshevics. In July 1927 the Communists set the Palais de Justice at
Vienna on fire. To celebrate the Lenin Feast, on 22nd January 1930, the
Simonoff Monastery at Moscow, a building dating from the 14th century, was
blown up. On the night of 27th/28th February 1933 the Reichstag in Berlin was
set on fire as a signal for the armed communist rising. Through the medium of
strikes, street fights and armed risings, the first preparatory stage of the
Bolshevic revolution is meant to be effected. The methods used are the same in
all countries. A long
series of revolutionary
acts which might he added on all sides furnish a striking witness of this. In
one of its propagandist publications, the Komintern boasted that it had
organised nearly all the strikes which have taken place during recent years. These
strikes find their violent sequel in street fights. From the street fight to
the armed rising is but one step. In this sequence, the following risings took
place: October 1917 in Russia, January 1919 the Spartacus rising in Germany,
1920 the Max Hoelz revolt in Vogtland, and the Red Army in the Ruhr district,
1921 in Central Germany, September 1923 at Hamburg, December 1924 at Reval, on
the 23rd October 1926, 22nd February 1927 and 21st March 1927 at Shanghai.
December 1927 in Canton, October 1934 in Spain, April 1935 in Cuba and May 1935
in the Philippines.
Bolshevic propaganda aims
its chief blows against the armed forces of a country; because the Bolshevics
know that if they were to adopt the principle of trying to secure support from
the majority of the people they could never carry out their plans. Force,
therefore, is the only means left to them; but in every well-ordered state this
meets with the opposition of the army. The Bolshevics accordingly feel bound to
introduce their disintegrating propaganda within the ranks of the army itself.
Their idea is to corrupt it from within and thus render it ineffective as a
bulwark against anarchy.
Before the advent of
National Socialism to power in Germany there was the closest cooperation
between the Soviet espionage and the Communist organisations here. A foreign
department of the O.G.P.U. operated officially in our country. It was the
special representative and directive agent of the Communist espionage. The aim
of this espionage was not only to obtain military secrets in a traitorous way,
but also to carry on a system of sabotage among the police and the army. Part
of the programme
was to introduce a
mutinous spirit into the Reichswehr and by an increasing work of revolutionary
instruction to bring about a revolt of the soldiers and sailors in the German
defence forces. From July 1931 to December 1932 one-hundred-and- eleven cases
of high treason were dealt with before the German Courts. These cases
originated with the activities of the Communist Party. Furthermore, there was
an extraordinary number of cases of espionage of a treasonable character in the
industrial factories. The most boorish example of the interference of
"Soviet Diplomats" for the purpose of creating domestic political
trouble in another country is afforded by the Jewish Soviet Ambassador, Joffe,
who had to leave Berlin on the 6th November 1918, because he had utilized the
diplomatic courier to transport sabotage material which was to be used to
undermine the German army and make the revolution possible. What were called
"Revolution Funds" were used in great part by Liebknecht for the
purchase of weapons for the German Communists, and partly also for the
production of propaganda material to be used among the army. On the 26th December
1918, one of the Socialist members of the Reichstag, the Jew, Dr. Oskar Cohn,
declared that on the 5th of the previous month, he had received 4 million
roubles from Joffe for the purpose of the German Revolution.
We can now see that all
these activities were meant for the purpose of bringing about the downfall of
the German Reich through the undermining and corruption of the German Army.
Amid all these single acts
of terror, of hostage murders and mass murders, plunder and arson, strikes and
armed risings, espionage and sabotage of armies, we see the Communist World
Propaganda showing its forbidding and grimacing countenance. An idea and a
movement which has used such dastardly and revolting means to secure power and
to hold it can maintain
itself only by chicanery,
slander and falsehood. These are the typical methods used by Bolshevism in its
propaganda; and they are applied in different ways according to the suitability
of the occasion. Thus, for example, we can understand how it is that crises,
catastrophes etc. which happen in other countries outside the Soviet Union are
exploited by the Bolshevic Propaganda, whereas we are told that within the
Soviet frontiers a work of social construction is in progress that has banished
economic distress and created a State in which there is no unemployment. The
real truth is that a condition of commercial disorder exists throughout the
country and an industrial collapse which baffles description. The "Land
without Unemployment" contains hundreds of thousands and even millions of
beggars and homeless children who throng the streets of the big cities, and
hundreds of thousands who are condemned to banishment and forced labour.
While in all the other countries
alleged Capitalist and Fascist dictatorships are in power, Russia affords an
example of freedom and democratic order. So we are told.
In reality this land is wilting under
the Jewish-Marxist rule of force, which will stop at no means to maintain
itself in power. The pretended freedom and right of self-determination among the
nationalities constituting the Soviet Union turns out in fact to be a process
of enslavement and extirpation of those nationalities themselves. The
pretended liberation of colonial and semi-colonial peoples through the
international proletariat is, when looked at in its true light, a blood-stained
and ruthless example of Soviet Imperialism of the worst kind.
In Germany itself, before our advent
to power, the pronouncements of the Communist Party varied unscrupulously
according to the condition of the times. At first Germany was "a semicolonial
sacrifice to the Versailles Powers and was held down
through the League of
Nations ". But when the National Socialist movement began to make headway
among the German public, the Communist Party put forward a programme of
"social and national liberation". Then they proclaimed a proletariat
confederacy between Berlin and Moscow and against Versailles and the League of
Nations. Today a military pact has been made with Paris and Prague and the
Soviets have entered the hitherto defamed League of Nations, which used to be
known as "The Robber League".
The so-called peace policy
of the Soviet Union practically shows itself in world-revolutionary intrigues
among the other countries, in unscrupulous stirring-up of conflicts between the
various states, while at the same time it is arming at a fantastic rate in
preparation for a war of aggression. People in West- European countries talk of
a social order without class distinction; but in Russia itself, there is a
violent differentiation between the privileged and dispossessed castes. The
Soviet propaganda speaks of "a Paradise of children that contains the
happiest youth in the world".
The real state of the case
however shows us millions of unsupported children, the existence of child
labour and even the death penalty for children. Bolshevic propaganda
deceitfully talks of the "emancipation of woman through communism."
The truth is that the institution of marriage has been completely set aside,
that there is a terrible disintegration and abolition of family life, that
there is an absence of employment for women and a state of prostitution that is
alarmingly on the increase.
Such a regime, in which
theory and practice are in glaring contradiction, cannot possibly maintain its
position except by the propagation of falsehood and unscrupulous hypocrisy.
Before the 30th January,
1933, each time that a workman was murdered by order of the Communists the
crime was imputed
to the National
Socialists. There were constant false reports of mutinies among the Storm
Troops and honest German workmen were branded as strike-breakers. When Horst
Wessel was assassinated the public horror became so great that the Communists
had to bow before it; and, to clear themselves, they put forward the story that
this dastardly political misdeed arose from an altercation between rival
claimants to a mistress. When Norkus, who was a member of the Hitler Youth, was
stabbed by some communist brutes the "Rote Fahne" barefacedly
declared that Norkus was killed by a Nazi spy; so that the Nazis were alleged
to have murdered a seventeen-year-old member of their own party in order to
procure material to have the German Communist Party forbidden by law. The same
happened when Maikowski and Gatschke were assassinated.
When National Socialism
showed up the work of the Communist Party in Germany the Communist
International started the propagandist atrocity stories against National
Socialism. The London mock trial was meant to acquit the Communist Party of any
guilt connected with the Reichstag fire. The burning of the Reichstag was
barefacedly and brazenly stated to be a provocative act on the part of National
Socialism, conceived by myself and put into effect by my party comrade, General
Goering. After the death of the German National Party Member of the Reichstag,
Herr Oberfohren, the Communists who had fled from Germany to Paris forged what
pretended to be a memorandum by Oberfohren in which proof was supposed to be
given that the burning of the Reichstag had been supported and approved by
leading National Socialists. The dead member of the Reichstag could not deny
what had been falsely attributed to him. Later on, however, avowals were made
by people who had formerly been communist leaders, that not a single word of the
truth was contained in the memorandum. The whole thing was avowed by them to
have been falsified in all its details
for the purpose of
bringing National Socialism into discredit before the world. Jurists and
journalists of repute, and even an English Lord, descended to the level of
making marionettes of themselves at this London mock trial.
Since that time the communists have
been carrying on a world-wide systematic work of propaganda against Germany,
because they recognise and realise that the National Socialists are their most
dangerous enemies. Among the eternally recurring themes of this communist
agitation are the stories of war preparations in the interests of German
imperialism, preparations for a revanche against France, annexations in Denmark
and Holland and Switzerland, in the Baltic States and the Ukraine etc. and a
German crusade against the Soviet Union, dissensions in the Party and the
Government, especially between the Party and the Army, growing discontent among
the masses, assassinations of leading men in Germany or attempts on their
lives, preparations for an inflation and the coming of a complete economic
collapse, the murder and torturing of prisoners, religious persecutions and
cultural vandalisms of all kinds.
These propagandist falsehoods are
sent out through thousands of channels and in thousands of ways, bourgeois
intellectualism— sometimes unconsciously, sometimes consciously—is pressed into
the service of this campaign of defamation. In all European capitals there are
large offices for the spread of this poison throughout the world and large
subsidies are furnished by the Komintern to prepare and carry out the work.
These organisations are constant centres of unrest among the nations. They
never tire of stirring up trouble every way they possibly can.
That is Bolshevic propaganda. That is
the form in which it clothes itself and lives, using falsehood and slander and
chicanery, so as to make
the nations suspicious of one another and hate one another, thus spreading a
general spirit of unrest; because the Bolshevics know so well that they can
never bring the Communist idea to triumph except in an age that is distracted
and sceptical.
In Germany we have
religious controversies which arise from profound questions of conscience but
have nothing whatsoever to do with a denial of religion. These controversies
are exploited sometimes by harmless and sometimes malicious critics and a
parallel is drawn between them and the absolutely dogmatic atheism of the
Bolshevic International. To realise the grotesqueness of the parallel it is
only necessary to point to a few examples in the theory and practice of
Communism.
In the programme of the
Communist International it is openly and freely declared that the struggle
against every kind of religion must be carried on ruthlessly and
systematically. Lenin declared that "religion is the opium of the people
and it is a species of fusel oil". These statements are published in the
fourth volume of his "Works ".
At the second Congress of
Atheists, Bucharin declared that religion must be "destroyed with the
bayonet". The Jew, Gubermann, who, under the name of Jaroslawski,
is the leader of the Association of Militant Atheists in the Soviet Union, has
made the following declaration: "It is our duty to destroy every religious
world-concept. . . If the destruction of ten million human beings, as happened
in the last war, should be necessary for the triumph of one definite class,
then that must be done and it will be done. "
In its issue of 6th
November 1930 The Atheist, the monthly periodical which is the central
organ of the Association of Militant Atheists, wrote the following: "We
shall burn down all the
churches of the world and
raze all the prisons to the ground. " In all educational establishments
throughout the Soviet Union religious instruction is forbidden and in its
place there has been introduced a systematic instructional course in Marxist
atheism. Children under the age of 18 are forbidden to take part in religious
services and prayers. The Church Law of the 8th April 1929 has established a
situation in which spiritual and religious communities are deprived of all
rights. All the clergy and their families belong to the dispossessed class of
Soviet citizens, thus automatically losing their right to work or earn their
livelihood, and they are liable to be removed from their domicile at any time
whatsoever.
Such is the theory and
world concept of the juridical principles underlying Bolshevic atheism, and
such principles are accordingly carried out in practice.
Up to 1930, 31 bishops,
1,600 clergy and 7,000 monks were murdered under the Soviet regime. According
to statistics available for 1930, there were then confined in prisons, under
starvation conditions, 48 bishops, 3,700 clergy and 8,000 monks and nuns. The
"International League against the Third International" at Geneva
issued statistics on August 6th 1935, showing that in Russia 40,000 priests had
been arrested, banished or murdered. Nearly all the Orthodox churches and
chapels have been either destroyed or else closed to religious worship and
converted into clubs, cinemas, barns etc. Prior to our advent to power, the
atheist propaganda carried out by the Marxists in Germany, whose forces we have
overthrown, took its stand in favour of the dreadful state of things which I
have described. The Social Democratic "League of German Freethinkers
" alone had a membership of 600,000. The Communist "League of Proletarian
Freethinkers " had close on 160,000 members. Almost without exception, the
intellectual leaders of Marxist atheism in
Germany were Jews, among
them being Erich Weinert, Felix Abraham, Dr. Levy-Lenz and others. At regular
meetings, held in the presence of a notary public, members were requested to
register their declaration of withdrawal from their church for a fee of 2
Marks. And thus the fight for atheism was carried on. Between 1918 and 1933 the
withdrawals from the German Evangelical Churches alone amounted to
two-and-a-half million persons in Germany. The programme which these atheistic
societies laid down in regard to sexual matters is amply characterised in the
following demands publicly expressed at meetings and distributed in leaflet
form:
(1) The complete abrogation of those paragraphs of the law
dealing with the crime of abortion, and the right to have abortion procured
free of charge in State Hospitals.
(2)
Non-interference with
prostitution.
(3) The abrogation of all bourgeois-capitalistic regulations in
regard to marriage and divorce.
(4) Official registration to be optional and the children to be
educated by the community.
(5) Abrogation of all penalties for sexual perversities and
amnesty to be granted to all persons condemned as "sexual criminals".
Truly a case of methodical insanity,
which has for its aim the wilful destruction of the nations and their
civilization and the substitution of barbarism as a fundamental principle of
public life.
Where are the men behind the scenes
of this virulent world movement? Who are the inventors of all this madness? Who
transplanted this ensemble into Russia and is today making the
attempt to have it prevail
in other countries? The answer to these questions discloses the actual secret
of our anti-Jewish policy and our uncompromising fight against Jewry; for the
Bolshevic International is in reality nothing less than a Jewish International.
It was the Jew who discovered
Marxism. It is the Jew who for decades past has endeavoured to stir up world
revolutions through the medium of Marxism. It is the Jew who is today at the
head of Marxism in all the countries of the world. Only in the brain of a nomad
who is without nation, race and country could this satanism have been hatched.
And only one possessed of a satanic malevolence could launch this revolutionary
attack. For Bolshevism is nothing less than brutal materialism speculating on
the baser instincts of mankind. And in its fight against West European
civilisation it makes use of the lowest human passions in the interests of
International Jewry.
The theory underlying this political
and economic fanaticism was excogitated by a Jew named Karl Mordechai, alias
Marx, the son of a Rabbi in Treves. A variant of the same theory sprang from
the brain of another Jew called Ferdinand Lassalle. He was the son of the
Jewish Chaim Wolfsohn from Loslau, who changed his name first to Losslauer and
then to Lasel and finally to Lassalle. The Labour Minister of the Paris Commune
was the Jew, Leo Fraenkel. The Jewish terrorist, Karl Cohen, was the friend of
Marx. On the 7th May 1866, in Unter den Linden, Berlin, this Cohen made two attempts
to murder Bismarck by shooting at him.
In pre-war days the editorial staff
of the "Vorwaerts", the German Socialist organ, already employed 15
Jews, the majority of whom subsequently became leaders of Communism in Germany.
Among these were Kurt Eisner, Rudolf Hilferding,
and Rosa Luxemburg. During
the Great War the Polish Jews, Leo Joggisches and Rosa Luxemburg, were at the
head of the driving forces intent on bringing about Germany's military downfall
and the subsequent world revolution. Another Jew —Hugo Haase—subsequently
chairman of the U.S.P.D. (Independent German Socialist Party) demanded the
refusal of war credits on August 4th 1914.
On the 10th November 1918, there was
formed the "Council of Six Representatives of the People " which
included the Jews Haase and Landsberg. On the 16th December 1918, was held the
first meeting of the "General Congress of the Workers' and Soldiers'
Soviets of Germany ". In this congress the Jews, Cohen-Reuss and
Hilferding, were the principal speakers. The armed forces of Germany were
represented by the Jew Hodenberg, for the VIII Army, the Jew
Levinsohn, for the IV, the Jew Siegfried Marck for the Army Dept. A, Nathan
Moses for Dept. B., Jacob Riesenfeld represented the Army Group of Kiew and
Otto Rosenberg represented the Army Group of Kassel.
The first Communist Party Congress
was held in Berlin on the 31st December 1918, at which the Jewess Rosa
Luxemburg was elected leader. The Reich Conference of the Spartacus movement,
held on the 29th December 1918, was formally opened by the official
representative of the Soviet Union, a Jew named Karl Radek Sobelsohn, whilst
Rosa Luxemburg appeared as one of the official speakers.
On the night between the 6th and 7th
April 1919, after the removal of the Jew Eisner in Munich, the Soviet Republic
was proclaimed there. The leading part in this was taken by the Jews Landauer,
Toller, Lipp, Erich Muehsam and Wadler. On the 14th April 1919, a second Soviet
Government was formed in Munich, with the Jews Leviné-Nissen, Levien and Toller
at its head. The Press of
the German Communist Party in Berlin was controlled by the Jews Meyer,
Thalheimer, Scholem, Friedlaender etc. The lawyers who functioned on behalf of
the German Communist Party were the Jews Litten, Rosenfeld, Joachim, Apfel,
Landsberg etc. The well known Bolshevic Jew Raffes, writes: "The hatred of
Czarism against the Jews was justified; because from the 'sixties onwards in
all the revolutionary parties the Government had to deal with the Jews as the
most active members."
At the second Congress of
the Social Democratic Labour Party of Russia, in 1903, the split occurred which
divided the party into Bolshevics and Menshevics. In the one as well as in the
other of these parties the authoritative positions were held by Jews. These
were as follows:
In the Menshevics: Martor
(Zederbaum), Trotzki (Bronstein), Dan (Gurwitsch), Martynow, Liber (Goldmann),
Abramowitsch (Rein), Goreff (Goldmann) etc.
In the Bolshevics: Borodin
(Grusenberg)—subsequently Leader of the bolshevic Revolutionary movement in
China, at present Bolshevic Commissary in Mongolia. Frumkin, Hanecki
(Fuerstenberg), Jaroslawski (Gubelmann)—Leader of the atheist movement in the
Soviet Union and throughout the world, Kamenew (Rosenfeld), Laschéwitsch,
Litwinow (Wallach), —at present Foreign Soviet Commissary and formerly Chairman
of the League of Nations, Ljadow (Mandelstamm), Radek (Sobelsohn),
Sinowjew—1919 to 1926 leader of the Communist International, Sokolnikow
(Brilliant), Swerdlow— close friend and co-worker of Lenin.
In the beginning of August
1917, the Sixth Congress of the Bolshevic Party was opened. The presiding
committee was
made up of 3 Russians, 6
Jews and 1 Georgian. On the 23rd October 1917 the historic session of Z.K.
(Central Committee) was held. Here the armed revolt was decided upon. For the
purpose of taking over the leadership of the revolt a "Political
Bureau" and a "War Revolutionary Centre " were established.
These political and military centres of the Bolshevic Revolution were made up
of 2 Russians, 6 Jews, 1 Georgian and 1 Pole.
In the English
"Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia", which was presented
to Parliament in April 1919, by Command of His Majesty, Report No. 6 contains
the following: A telegram from Sir M. Findlay to Mr Balfour (received on 18th
September 1918):
"Following is report
by Netherlands Minister at Petrograd, 6th September, received here today, on
the situation in Russia, in particular as affecting British subjects and
British interests under Minister's protection: . . .
"At Moscow I had
repeated interviews with Chicherin and Karahan. Whole Soviet Government has
sunk to the level of a criminal organisation. Bolshevics realize that their
game is up, and have entered upon a career of criminal madness . . .
"The danger is now so
great that I feel it my duty to call the attention of the British and all other
Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism in Russia at
once the civilisation of the wholeworldwill be threatened. . . I consider that
the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the
world, not even excluding the War, which is still raging and unless, as above
stated, Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately, it is bound to spread in
one form or another over Europe and the whole world as it is organised
and worked by Jews who
have no nationality and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the
existing order of things. The only manner in which this danger could be averted
would be a collective action on the part of all Powers. "
On the 13th November 1934
the newspaper The Moment, which is brought out at Warsaw and is one of
the East European leading Jewish journals, published an article (In No. 260 B)
which was entitled "Laser Moisséjewitsch Kaganowitsch" (Stalin's
deputy and right-hand man). The article states: "He is a great man, this
Laser Moisséjewitsch—he will one day rule over the country of the Czars . . .
His daughter, who will soon be 21, is now Stalin's wife . . . and he is good to
the Jews—Laser Moisséjewitsch. You see, it is good to have a man in one of the
key positions".
Of the so most
authoritative functionaries from the Party and State in the highest councils of
the U.S.S.R. we find that more than 20 are Jews and only 17 Russians, whereas
the percentage of Jews to the whole population of the U.S.S.R. is only 1.8.
The People's Commissary
for the Interior (formerly Tscheka or O.G.P.U.) is the Jew Jagoda. In the
Communist International (the "General Staff of the World
Revolution")—the Jew Pjat- nitzki plays the most important role.
The leadership of the
Bolshevic revolutionary movement in all countries lay and still lies in Jewish
hands. In some countries, such as Poland and Hungary, they are in exclusive
control of this movement.
In the trial against the
Jewish communist Schmelz in March 1935, the Polish Police Commissioner
Landèbzrski declared as witness that 98% of those arrested in Poland on charges
of communistic intrigues were Jews.
The actual leader in the movement for
the Bolshevisation of China is the Jew Borodin-Grusenberg.
Therewith we may close the account.
That is Communism with the mask off.
That is its theory, its practice and its propaganda. I have given a bald and
staid account of facts which have been gathered mostly from official sources;
but this account points to a state of affairs which is so terrible and
revolting in all its effects that it must shock the average civilised human
being. This gospel of "the emancipation of the proletariat from the yoke
of capitalism" is the worst and most brutal kind of capitalism that can be
imagined. It has been thought out, set afoot and led under the inspiration of
the Mammon worship and materialist thought which is incarnated in international
Jewry, scattered throughout every country of the globe. It is no social
experiment. It is nothing else than a mammoth system for the expropriation and
despoiling of the Aryan directive classes in all the nations, and the
substitution of the Jewish underworld in their place. Those people who put
themselves forward here as the apostles of a new teaching and the liberators of
mankind are in reality figures that herald anarchy and chaos for the civilised
world.
There is no longer any political
question at issue here. This thing cannot be judged or estimated by political
rules or principles. It is iniquity under a political mask. It is not
something to be brought before the bar of world history but rather something
that has to be dealt with by the judicial administration of each country. It
must be met with the same ruthless and even brutal means with which it strives
to usurp power or hold power in its hands. Here there can be no bargaining;
because the danger that threatens Europe is acute. Overnight it might break in
among the civilised nations of the world and spread
universal catastrophe.
Those States that make peace with it will soon learn from experience that it is
not they who will tame Bolshevism but that Bolshevism will bring them under its
heel. It cannot be said that the Komintern has changed its practices. It is and
remains what it always was—the propagandist and revolutionary machinery which
is avowedly intended to bring about the downfall of the West.
Bolshevism is the declared
enemy of all nations and of all religions and of all human civilisation. The
World Revolution is now, as always, its acknowledged and proclaimed goal.
Stalin himself has said, as the organ of the War Commissariat, "The Red
Star", in January 1935, triumphantly announced: "Under Lenin's
banner, in the proletarian revolution, we shall triumph over the whole world.
" And the communist emigrant, Pieck, said at the Seventh World Congress of
the Komintern, held on the 28th July this year: "The triumph of Socialism
in Soviet Russia proves at the same time that the triumph of Socialism
throughout the whole world is inevitable. " On the day before the Congress
was held, "L'Humanité
" (the organ of the French Communists) greeted it with
the outburst: "Long live the Komintern, the General Staff of the World
Revolution. "
Traffic with Bolshevism is
not possible either on a political basis or on the basis of general principles
in life. The acknowledgement of the Soviet Union on the part of the United
States has given rise to an increase in communist propaganda, innumerable strikes
and general unrest throughout America. The military pact between France and the
Soviet Union led shortly afterwards to an increase of communist votes at the
municipal elections, in which they won 43 mandates and thus doubled the number
of mandates formerly held by them, while all the other parties lost
accordingly. The military alliance between Czecho-Slovakia and the Soviet Union
led to sabotaging in
the army and to an
unexpected increase of communist votes at the elections which followed.
Whoever has makes pacts with
Bolshevism will have reason to rue his act.
Nothing could be farther from our
minds than the wish to prescribe for other nations and their governments or
even to counsel them. We do not mix up in their domestic affairs. We only see
the dangers that threaten Europe and we raise our voices in warning, so that
the magnitude of those dangers may be recognised.
As far as we ourselves are concerned,
we have completely overcome this menace. Indeed perhaps, outside of his work in
Germany, the greatest service which our Führer has rendered the world is
that here in Germany he has set up a barrier against world Bolshevism against
which the waves of this vile Asiatic-Jewish flood break in vain. He has taught
us not only to recognise Bolshevism as the world's greatest enemy but also to
meet it face to face and crush it. Instead of this teaching he has supplied a
new and better and nobler ideal for the liberation of a whole nation. In the
Sign of this Idea we have fought our battles and brought our banners to
victory. This ideal has enabled us to free Germany from the menace of
Bolshevism and banish it once and for all from the German nation. Today we know
how to cope with these insidious forces.
The nation has been rendered immune
against the poison of the red anarchy. It has repudiated the false and hollow
catchwords of the communistic world propaganda. Seriously and industriously
and with patience and discipline it has given itself to the solution of
problems which arise out of its own destiny. History will one day give due
credit to the Führer for having saved Germany from the
most acute and deadly peril by
overthrowing Bolshevism
and thereby saving the whole civilisation of the West from the abyss that
yawned before it.
I hope that it will not be
left to posterity to recognise the greatness of this historic mission, but that
it will be acknowledged by our contemporaries and that they will decide to act
upon the truth of its teachings. As the true and loyal Old Guard of the Führer and
the Party, we rejoice that we are standing under his banners in this most
decisive struggle that the history of the world has experienced.
"In the famine spring
that is now coming in, shall similar events recur as those which took place in
the year 1933, when numberless innocent people in the Ukraine, the Volga
district, in the Northern Caucasus and other areas perished of hunger?
"The undersigned
organisations have until now taken up the position that questions of humanity
and provision for relief ought to be considered independently of political and
social interests. They consider it a duty of the most elementary human and
purely charitable nature not to remain silent about these conditions but to
allow the voice of conscience speak again. For the sake of the starving and
dying people, and to avoid a catastrophe such as that of 1933, they demand that
the situation should be made entirely clear and that the necessary provision
for relief should be assured."
The signatory
organisations are:-
The Interdenominational
and International Relief Committee for the Hunger Areas in the Soviet Union,
The Interdenominational and International Russian Relief Work of the European
Headquarters for Church Relief Action, and The Jewish Russian Relief.
Such are the authorities
to which Dr. Goebbels refers in speaking of the famine conditions which exist
in Russia under the Bolshevic regime.
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